Pakistan-Afghanistan Talks: Between Mistrust, Militancy, and Missed Opportunities

( Shamim Shahid ) 

As Pakistan and Afghanistan engage in yet another round of talks on November 6, one cannot help but ask whether these discussions will yield any meaningful outcome or, as in the past, remain confined to statements and symbolic gestures. The atmosphere is charged with tension, mistrust, and conflicting claims that make genuine progress unlikely unless both sides face uncomfortable truths and act upon them.

In recent days, a significant development has added to the complexity of Pakistan-Afghanistan relations: a letter reportedly written by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to the Afghan Taliban. In this letter, the Pakistani Taliban sought assistance to cross the border. This single piece of evidence, if verified, exposes the duplicity of the Afghan Taliban’s claim that their soil is not being used against Pakistan. On one hand, Kabul asserts that it does not allow militant activities against Pakistan, yet on the other, communications between the TTP and Afghan officials tell a different story.

Let us be clear: whether they are called Pakistani Taliban or Afghan Taliban, they share the same ideological and structural roots. The TTP is not an independent entity but an offshoot of the Afghan Taliban. Their leadership, command structures, and religious allegiance are interconnected. The so-called distinction between them is merely a convenient political façade. When TTP leaders such as Waheedullah Mohmand Noor Mehsud and Hafiz Badr operate freely from Kabul and maintain contact with senior Taliban figures, it is impossible to deny this symbiotic relationship.

The evidence of coordination letters, financial exchanges, and operational cooperation is undeniable. Yet, both sides continue to issue contradictory statements. Pakistan accuses Afghanistan of harboring terrorists, while Kabul insists that it maintains no control over the TTP. This blame game has produced only one result: deepening mistrust. Recent statements by Pakistan’s security leadership, particularly the Director General of the Inter-Services Public Relations (DG ISPR), reinforce this mistrust. His assertion that “peace will now be achieved by force” rather than through reconciliation marks a departure from dialogue to deterrence a troubling signal that diplomacy is failing.

However, the use of force is not a solution. History bears witness to this. The 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the subsequent decades of warfare, and the proxy conflicts fought on Afghan soil have shown that violence only multiplies instability. Pakistan, having suffered immensely as a frontline state during the Afghan jihad and the War on Terror, should resist being drawn into another cycle of military confrontation. The destruction of Afghanistan is not in Pakistan’s interest, nor would it bring peace to this region. Political dialogue, no matter how frustrating, remains the only viable path forward.

Unfortunately, the very concept of jihad once used to mobilize resistance against foreign occupation has been misused as a slogan to justify internal conflict among Muslims. There can be no jihad against Pakistan, an Islamic state, just as there can be none against Afghanistan. These calls to arms are not religious struggles but political manipulations designed to deceive ordinary believers. The so-called “jihad” of the 1980s, sponsored and glorified by international actors and regional seminaries alike, laid the foundations for today’s militancy. Decades later, the Muslim world continues to pay the price for that distortion.

Today, Pakistan’s grievances are twofold: the continued use of Afghan territory by the TTP, and Kabul’s growing diplomatic and economic engagement with India. The first issue directly threatens Pakistan’s security, while the second is seen as a strategic concern. Islamabad expects the Afghan Taliban to act decisively against the TTP and limit their ties with New Delhi. But from Kabul’s perspective, Afghanistan is a sovereign state entitled to relations with all nations including India. The Taliban regime has never declared hostility toward Pakistan; rather, it seeks autonomy in its foreign policy. The challenge, therefore, lies in reconciling Pakistan’s security imperatives with Afghanistan’s quest for independence.

There have been proposals from the Afghan side, including relocating TTP elements to northern and western Afghanistan, but these come with financial conditions reportedly $350 to $400 million in aid. The practicality of such proposals remains uncertain, especially given Afghanistan’s economic fragility and the absence of international trust.

Meanwhile, drug trafficking and smuggling continue to finance militant networks across the border. The narcotics trade, rooted in Afghanistan’s history since the 1979 war, now sustains warlords, extremists, and criminal syndicates alike. The Taliban both Afghan and Pakistani have long relied on drug money to sustain their operations. From opium fields to the corridors of power, this illicit economy is protected by mafias, war profiteers, and complicit officials. Smuggling of narcotics, spare parts, flour, and fuel has become an entrenched cross-border enterprise. Without the involvement of powerful figures on both sides, such vast operations could not persist.

It is therefore imperative that the governments of Pakistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa establish effective coordination to dismantle these networks. The Senate Standing Committee on Inter-Provincial Coordination, during a recent briefing, was informed of restrictions on essential commodities like flour, highlighting the extent of administrative and economic disarray in border areas. The law and order situation, interlinked with smuggling and terrorism, demands a united front one that bridges political divides rather than exploits them.

At this critical juncture, both Islamabad and Kabul must realize that prolonged hostility serves neither. Bilateral trade has nearly collapsed, border crossings remain restricted, and public frustration on both sides is deepening. Every day, traders, laborers, and students await clarity wondering when normalcy will return. The disappointment of the people must be transformed into hope, and that can only happen through constructive dialogue backed by genuine intent.

If today’s talks fail to produce a breakthrough, both nations will continue to bleed economically and politically. Mediating countries like Qatar, Turkey, China, and Iran are watching closely, aware that instability in this region threatens them all. It is in everyone’s interest especially Pakistan’s and Afghanistan’s that mistrust gives way to cooperation. Only then can both nations move from suspicion to security, from confrontation to coexistence.

Until that happens, the conversations at the table will remain just that conversations.

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